http://www.ifex.org/en/content/view/full/100051/
COME ONE, COME ALL TO GLOBAL FORUM ON FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION IN OSLO, 1-6 JUNE
More than 500 freedom of expression activists, including writers, journalists, artists and academics from around the world, are expected to descend on Oslo, Norway from 1 to 6 June to participate in the Global Forum on Freedom of Expression. Find out how you can be a part of this historic event here.
How effective was free expression campaigning around the Olympics? What's the best way to ensure free expression makes the UN agenda? Should defamation of religion be a crime? These questions and more will be answered in three days of open seminars and debates, and special keynote lectures by leading thinkers in the field from 3-5 June.
Expected speakers include Mexican journalist and UNESCO World Press Freedom Prize laureate Lydia Cacho, South African writer and Nobel Prize laureate Nadine Gordimer and Sudanese journalist Sami al Haj, released after six years in Guantanamo.
Those seeking hands-on workshops will be able to take advantage of special, small group training sessions in different languages geared to campaigning, fundraising, free expression monitoring and security.
Throughout the week, free expression issues will also be highlighted through cultural exhibitions and performances, such as a film festival spotlighting films from the South, a national library exhibition on banned books, and a boat trip to an island where you can visit a cartoon exhibition housed in an old fortress.
International Publishers Association (IPA) will also be awarding its Freedom to Publish Prize during the forum. The annual prize honours a person or organisation that has made a notable contribution to defending and promoting the freedom to publish. Nominations are accepted until 13 March and the nomination form is available here: http://tinyurl.com/9vg3ys
The forum kicks off with the IFEX general meeting, and organisational meetings for International PEN's Writers in Prison Committee and Human Rights House Network.
There will also be ample opportunities to meet like-minded groups from your region as well as others across geographic and professional borders.
Register now - the deadline is 15 April 2009. Individuals and organisations with limited resources and something to share may register and apply for a grant.
The Global Forum on Freedom of Expression is a partner initiative, led by IFEX, Norwegian PEN and the Freedom of Expression Foundation, Oslo (Fritt Ord), and supported by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
For more information and to register, including updated info on the conference programme, visit: http://expressionforum.org or email: info (@) expressionforum.org
(21 January 2009)
Tuesday, January 27, 2009
writer Mosaad Abu-Fajr detained
Egypt: Writer and activist detained
Published: January 22, 2009 http://www.englishpen.org/writersinprison/bulletins/egyptwriterandactivistdetained/
English PEN is seriously concerned about the imprisonment without charge or trial for over a year of novelist, blogger and activist Mosaad Suleiman Hassan (pen-name: Mosaad Abu-Fajr), who has been held since 26 December 2007 for his peaceful political activism.
According to our information, novelist and Internet writer Mosaad Abu-Fajr has been detained without charge since 26 December 2007 for his peaceful activism in support of the Bedouins of the Sinai Peninsula, his own native people, who are said to be ill-treated by the Egyptian authorities in Northern Sinai. The area borders the Gaza Strip, where the political climate is extremely volatile, and the risk of terrorist attack is high. Mosaad Abu-Fajr was previously briefly detained in September 2007.
Mosaad Abu-Fajr has reportedly published one novel, Talit el-Badan, the name of a mountain in Sinai province. He is also the editor of the web site Wedna N'ish' (We Want To Live), which he founded as a mouth-piece for Sinai Bedouins. He is said to remain detained without charge or trial in spite of repeated court rulings ordering his release. In November 2008 it was reported that his health had sharply deteriorated as a result of a hunger strike, and in early December 2008 he is said to have been moved from Borg Al Arab Prison, possibly in preparation for his release. His whereabouts are currently unknown and concerns for his well-being are mounting.
English PEN fears that Mosaad Abu-Fajr is held solely for the expression of his opinions and calls for his immediate and unconditional release in accordance with Article 19 of the United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Egypt is a signatory. We are seeking details of his whereabouts and assurances about his well-being as a matter of urgency.
Please send appeals:
- Expressing serious concern about the detention of novelist and blogger Mosaad Suleiman Hassan (pen-name Mosaad Abu-Fajr), who has been held for over a year without charge or trial, apparently for his non-violent political activism in support of the Bedouins of Northern Sinai, and in violation of repeated court rulings ordering his release;- Seeking information about Mosaad Abu-Fajr's whereabouts and well-being as a matter of urgency, and calling for his immediate and unconditional release in accordance with Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to which Egypt is a signatory.
Appeals to:
His Excellency Mohammad Hosni MubarakPresident of the Republic of EgyptHeliopolisEgyptFax: 202 390 1998
Cc. His Excellency Cr Mamdouh Muheiddin MareiMinister of JusticeMagles El Shaab StJustice BldgCairoEgyptFax: 202 7958103
Please also send copies of your appeal letter to the diplomatic representative for Egypt in the UK:
His Excellency Mr Gehad Refaat MadiEmbassy of the Arab Republic of Egypt26 South Street London W1K 1DW
'Novaya Gazeta' journalist and lawyer shot dead
Russia: 'Novaya Gazeta' journalist and lawyer shot dead
Published: January 22, 2009
On 20 January 2009, a lawyer for the independent newspaper Novaya Gazeta, Stanislav Markelov, was shot dead in a Moscow street in what appears to have been an assassination. Anastasiya Baburova, a young journalist who was walking alongside Markelov when he was shot, reportedly attempted to apprehend the gunman, but was herself shot in the head, and later died in hospital. Baburova and Markelov were attacked as they left a press conference at the Independent Press Centre. Markelov, a human rights lawyer, had represented the journalist Anna Politkovskaya before she herself had been assassinated in October 2006. Just hours before his killing, Markelov had issued a statement protesting the early release of a Russian army officer, Yuri Budanov, who had been convicted in 2003 for the murder of a Chechen girl, Elza Kungayeva, three years earlier in 2000. Markelov was the legal representative for the Kungayeva family, and had also represented other victims of human rights abuses, including the families of Chechens who have disappeared. He had stated that the family intended to appeal against the officer's early release, news of which had led to protests in Chechnya. Markelov had told the BBC's Russian service a few days before his death that he intended to find out who had ordered the release and that he would find out who is "guilty of breaching their legal authority". He added "I understand now that there is no rule of law" in Russia The Committee to Protect Journalists reports that Anastasyia Baburova had joined Novaya Gazeta in October 2008 and had been researching neo-Nazism and race motivated crimes in Russia. She is the fourth journalist from the newspaper to be murdered since 2000. It is not clear whether Baburova had been targeted by the assassin or whether she was a victim of her courageous attempt to apprehend the murderer. What is clear is that independent journalists, notably those working for Novaya Gazeta and others who cover human rights abuses in Chechnya, are under great threat. In a memorial piece in Novaya Gazeta published 21 January, Baburova's colleague Elene Milashina writes "25-year-old Nastya Baburova was also a romantic rebel, an anarchist who took part in the anti-fascist movement and the Dissenters' marches. In the eyes of the regime and ordinary people, who only want to keep out of trouble and quietly survive the present regime, Nastya's choice also made her an outsider. Therefore few people in our country could die as she did, struggling to apprehend the assassin." For the full text, please click here.
English PEN calls on the Russian authorities to initiate a full and impartial investigation into the murders, and to bring those responsible for carrying out and ordering the killing to justice. PEN also calls on the Russian authorities to unequivocally condemn all attacks on the independent press and to take urgent measures to ensure the safety of journalists.
To view the Novaya Gazeta website (in English) please click here.
What you can do:
- Protest to the Russian President- Write to the Russian embassy in your own country- Send messages of solidarity to Novaya Gazeta
Please send appeals:
- Expressing shock at the killings of Stanislav Markelov and Anastasiya Baburova on 19 January 2009;- Referring to concerns that Markelov's murder was linked to his role as a human rights lawyer;- Urging that there be a full and impartial investigation investigation into the murders, and to bring those responsible for carrying out and ordering the killing to justice. - Calling on the Russian authorities to unequivocally condemn all attacks on the independent press and to take urgent measures to ensure the safety of journalists. Appeals to:
Mr Dmitry Medvedev President of the Russian Federation Kremlin Moscow Russia Fax: 7 095 206 5173 / 230 2408 Email: president@gov.ru
Mr Chaika Yuri YakovlevichProsecutor General of the Russian FederationIshaya Dmitrovka, 15a GSP 3Moscow 125993RussiaFax: 7 095 292 88 48
Venezuela: Editor and columnist shot dead
Venezuela: Editor and columnist shot dead
Published: January 21, 2009
English PEN condemns the murder of newspaper editor and columnist Orel Zambrano, who was shot dead on 16 January 2009. The killing came just three days after the attempted murder of another editor, Rafael Finol, on 13 January. English PEN is calling on the Venezuelan government to investigate these crimes as a matter of urgency and bring the perpetrators to justice.
Orel Zambrano (or Sambrano), director and editor of the political weekly ABC and columnist for the regional daily Notitarde, in Valencia, Carabobo state, was shot dead on 16 January 2009. The motive of the crime is yet to be established, although it is thought that Zambrano may have been targeted for recent articles on drugs trafficking.
Zambrano, who was also vice-president of a radio station as well as a university professor and a practising lawyer, was walking from his car to a film rental store in Valencia when he was approached by two men on a motorbike, one of whom shot him three times at close range. The assailants then fled, leaving Zambrano to die at the scene from a bullet wound to the back of his head.
The journalist had reportedly covered several drug trafficking cases in recent weeks. One story in particular was on an influential business family in the region, three members of which were arrested in possession of 400 kilos of cocaine on 14 November 2008 and are now the subject of an investigation by the national prosecutor's office. Zambrano had not reported any previous threats.
The Public Ministry (Ministerio Público) said that the judicial police had opened an investigation into Zambrano's murder. The police have yet to make any statements but the circumstances of his death have given rise to speculation that a hired assassin was responsible.
Zambrano's death came just three days after the attempted murder of Rafael Finol, political editor for the daily newspaper El Regional, who was shot at outside the newspaper's offices in Acarigua, Portuguesa state, on 13 January. Finol was rushed to hospital with a head wound but is reportedly making a good recovery. He believes that the attack was in reprisal for the newspaper's support of President Chávez, whom Finol had recently interviewed.
Background:
Practising journalism in Venezuela has become increasingly hazardous in recent years, with attacks on print journalists rising by 50 percent from 13 incidents recorded by International PEN's Writers in Prison Committee in 2007 to 19 in 2008.
2008 saw the murder of a newspaper director and the imprisonment on dubious charges and alleged torture of an editor. Physical assaults in particular rose, with eight journalists and one newspaper attacked. The majority of attacks were reportedly carried out by individuals associated to the state or groups identified as pro-government, in retaliation for critical reporting on state activities and corruption or for allegedly encouraging assassination attempts on President Chávez.
To read RSF's report on this case in English, please click here. For the Spanish version, please click here.
Please send appeals:
• Expressing shock at the murder of newspaper editor and columnist Orel Zambrano on 16 January 2009, and the attempted murder of political editor Rafael Finol on 13 January 2009;• Expressing concern that both journalists may have been targeted for exercising their internationally recognised right to freedom of expression and opinion; • Calling on the Venezuelan authorities to investigate these crimes as a matter of urgency and to bring the perpetrators to justice.
Appeals to:
Minister of Justice and the Interior Sr. Ramón Rodríguez ChacínMinisterio del Poder Popular para Relaciones Interiores y JusticiaAv. Urdaneta, Edif. Sede MIJ, Piso 1, Carmelitas, Caracas, VenezuelaFax: 58 212 506 1557Salutation: Señor Ministro/Dear Minister
Attorney GeneralDra. Luisa Ortega DíazFiscal General de la RepúblicaFiscalía General de la RepúblicaAvda. México, Manduca a Pelelojo, Edif. Sede Fiscalía Geneal de la República, La Candelaria, Caracas, VenezuelaFax: 58 212 509 8504mp@fiscalia.gov.ve Salutation: Señora Fiscal General/ Dear Attorney General
Please also send copies of your appeal letters to the Venezuelan Embassy in the UK:
His Excellency Dr Samuel R Moncada A1 Cromwell RoadLondon SW7 2HWFax: 020 7589 8887
Email ambassador@venezlon.co.uk
Published: January 21, 2009
English PEN condemns the murder of newspaper editor and columnist Orel Zambrano, who was shot dead on 16 January 2009. The killing came just three days after the attempted murder of another editor, Rafael Finol, on 13 January. English PEN is calling on the Venezuelan government to investigate these crimes as a matter of urgency and bring the perpetrators to justice.
Orel Zambrano (or Sambrano), director and editor of the political weekly ABC and columnist for the regional daily Notitarde, in Valencia, Carabobo state, was shot dead on 16 January 2009. The motive of the crime is yet to be established, although it is thought that Zambrano may have been targeted for recent articles on drugs trafficking.
Zambrano, who was also vice-president of a radio station as well as a university professor and a practising lawyer, was walking from his car to a film rental store in Valencia when he was approached by two men on a motorbike, one of whom shot him three times at close range. The assailants then fled, leaving Zambrano to die at the scene from a bullet wound to the back of his head.
The journalist had reportedly covered several drug trafficking cases in recent weeks. One story in particular was on an influential business family in the region, three members of which were arrested in possession of 400 kilos of cocaine on 14 November 2008 and are now the subject of an investigation by the national prosecutor's office. Zambrano had not reported any previous threats.
The Public Ministry (Ministerio Público) said that the judicial police had opened an investigation into Zambrano's murder. The police have yet to make any statements but the circumstances of his death have given rise to speculation that a hired assassin was responsible.
Zambrano's death came just three days after the attempted murder of Rafael Finol, political editor for the daily newspaper El Regional, who was shot at outside the newspaper's offices in Acarigua, Portuguesa state, on 13 January. Finol was rushed to hospital with a head wound but is reportedly making a good recovery. He believes that the attack was in reprisal for the newspaper's support of President Chávez, whom Finol had recently interviewed.
Background:
Practising journalism in Venezuela has become increasingly hazardous in recent years, with attacks on print journalists rising by 50 percent from 13 incidents recorded by International PEN's Writers in Prison Committee in 2007 to 19 in 2008.
2008 saw the murder of a newspaper director and the imprisonment on dubious charges and alleged torture of an editor. Physical assaults in particular rose, with eight journalists and one newspaper attacked. The majority of attacks were reportedly carried out by individuals associated to the state or groups identified as pro-government, in retaliation for critical reporting on state activities and corruption or for allegedly encouraging assassination attempts on President Chávez.
To read RSF's report on this case in English, please click here. For the Spanish version, please click here.
Please send appeals:
• Expressing shock at the murder of newspaper editor and columnist Orel Zambrano on 16 January 2009, and the attempted murder of political editor Rafael Finol on 13 January 2009;• Expressing concern that both journalists may have been targeted for exercising their internationally recognised right to freedom of expression and opinion; • Calling on the Venezuelan authorities to investigate these crimes as a matter of urgency and to bring the perpetrators to justice.
Appeals to:
Minister of Justice and the Interior Sr. Ramón Rodríguez ChacínMinisterio del Poder Popular para Relaciones Interiores y JusticiaAv. Urdaneta, Edif. Sede MIJ, Piso 1, Carmelitas, Caracas, VenezuelaFax: 58 212 506 1557Salutation: Señor Ministro/Dear Minister
Attorney GeneralDra. Luisa Ortega DíazFiscal General de la RepúblicaFiscalía General de la RepúblicaAvda. México, Manduca a Pelelojo, Edif. Sede Fiscalía Geneal de la República, La Candelaria, Caracas, VenezuelaFax: 58 212 509 8504mp@fiscalia.gov.ve Salutation: Señora Fiscal General/ Dear Attorney General
Please also send copies of your appeal letters to the Venezuelan Embassy in the UK:
His Excellency Dr Samuel R Moncada A1 Cromwell RoadLondon SW7 2HWFax: 020 7589 8887
Email ambassador@venezlon.co.uk
Vietnam: Journalist Nguyen Viet Chien released
http://www.englishpen.org/writersinprison/bulletins/vietnamjournalistnguyenvietchienreleased/
Vietnam: Journalist Nguyen Viet Chien released
Published: January 21, 2009
English PEN welcomes the early release on 17 January 2009 of journalist Nguyen Viet Chien as part of a Presidential amnesty to mark the Lunar New Year. Nguyen Viet Chien had served eight months of a two-year prison sentence for reporting on corruption.
According to International PEN's information, Nguyen Viet Chien was arrested with his colleague Nguyen Van Hai, reporters for the Vietnamese language newspapers Thanh Nien and Tuoi Tre respectively, on 13 May 2008. Their detention was linked to their reports on high-level corruption in the so-called "PMU-18" scandal in 2006. It is said that the scandal provoked the resignation of some senior officials, some of whom who were allegedly linked to development funds which were used to gamble on European football, rather than to build roads and bridges. On 15 October 2008 the Hanoi People's Court sentenced both journalists under Article 258 of the Vietnamese Penal Code, for 'abusing democratic freedoms to infringe upon the interest of the State, the legitimate rights and interests of organizations and/or citizens'. Nguyen Viet Chien was given a two-year imprisonment sentence after pleading his innocence, while Nguyen Van Hai was handed down a non-custodial two-year re-education sentence, after pleading guilty.
Despite the recent amnesty, English PEN remains seriously concerned about freedom of expression in Vietnam, particularly in light of the apparent crackdown on dissent in September 2008 when a number of writers were arrested for their peaceful dissident activities. The following remain detained in poor conditions without charge or trial: Nguyen Xuan Nghia, poet and writer. Le Thi Kim Thu , online reporter and photographer.Pham Van Troi, dissident writer and activist.Nguyen Van Tuc, farmer, poet and human rights defender.Ngô Quỳnh, student and dissident writer. Pham Thanh Nghien, Internet writer and independent journalist.
As such, English PEN is reiterating its call for the release of all those currently detained in violation of Article 19 of the United Nations Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which guarantees the right to freedom of expression.
For the previous International PEN alert on Vietnam, please click here.
For the BBC's country profile on Vietnam, please click here. Please send appeals:- Welcoming the release of journalist Nguyen Viet Chien, but remaining concerned about the continued detention and well-being of Nguyen Xuan Nghia, Le Thi Kim Thu, Pham Van Troi, Nguyen Van Tuc, Ngô Quỳnh, and Pham Thanh Nghien; - Calling for the immediate and unconditional release of all those detained for the peaceful exercise of their right to free expression in Vietnam, in accordance with Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Vietnam is a signatory.
Appeals to:
His Excellency Nguyên Minh TriêtPresident of the Socialist Republic of VietnamC/o Ministry of Foreign AffairsHanoiSocialist Republic of Vietnam
Nguyên Tân DungPrime Minister 1 Hoang Hoa Tham StreetHanoiSocialist Republic of Vietnam
Lê Doan HopMinister of Culture and Information1 Hoang Hoa Tham StreetHanoiSocialist Republic of Vietnam
Please note that there are no fax numbers available for the Vietnamese authorities, so you may wish to ask the diplomatic representative for Vietnam in your country to forward your appeals.
His Excellency Tran Quang Hoan Embassy of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam12 - 14 Victoria RoadW8 5RDUnited KingdomFax: 020 7937 6108 or 004420- 7565 3853Email: embassy@vietnamembassy.org.uk
Vietnam: Journalist Nguyen Viet Chien released
Published: January 21, 2009
English PEN welcomes the early release on 17 January 2009 of journalist Nguyen Viet Chien as part of a Presidential amnesty to mark the Lunar New Year. Nguyen Viet Chien had served eight months of a two-year prison sentence for reporting on corruption.
According to International PEN's information, Nguyen Viet Chien was arrested with his colleague Nguyen Van Hai, reporters for the Vietnamese language newspapers Thanh Nien and Tuoi Tre respectively, on 13 May 2008. Their detention was linked to their reports on high-level corruption in the so-called "PMU-18" scandal in 2006. It is said that the scandal provoked the resignation of some senior officials, some of whom who were allegedly linked to development funds which were used to gamble on European football, rather than to build roads and bridges. On 15 October 2008 the Hanoi People's Court sentenced both journalists under Article 258 of the Vietnamese Penal Code, for 'abusing democratic freedoms to infringe upon the interest of the State, the legitimate rights and interests of organizations and/or citizens'. Nguyen Viet Chien was given a two-year imprisonment sentence after pleading his innocence, while Nguyen Van Hai was handed down a non-custodial two-year re-education sentence, after pleading guilty.
Despite the recent amnesty, English PEN remains seriously concerned about freedom of expression in Vietnam, particularly in light of the apparent crackdown on dissent in September 2008 when a number of writers were arrested for their peaceful dissident activities. The following remain detained in poor conditions without charge or trial: Nguyen Xuan Nghia, poet and writer. Le Thi Kim Thu , online reporter and photographer.Pham Van Troi, dissident writer and activist.Nguyen Van Tuc, farmer, poet and human rights defender.Ngô Quỳnh, student and dissident writer. Pham Thanh Nghien, Internet writer and independent journalist.
As such, English PEN is reiterating its call for the release of all those currently detained in violation of Article 19 of the United Nations Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which guarantees the right to freedom of expression.
For the previous International PEN alert on Vietnam, please click here.
For the BBC's country profile on Vietnam, please click here. Please send appeals:- Welcoming the release of journalist Nguyen Viet Chien, but remaining concerned about the continued detention and well-being of Nguyen Xuan Nghia, Le Thi Kim Thu, Pham Van Troi, Nguyen Van Tuc, Ngô Quỳnh, and Pham Thanh Nghien; - Calling for the immediate and unconditional release of all those detained for the peaceful exercise of their right to free expression in Vietnam, in accordance with Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Vietnam is a signatory.
Appeals to:
His Excellency Nguyên Minh TriêtPresident of the Socialist Republic of VietnamC/o Ministry of Foreign AffairsHanoiSocialist Republic of Vietnam
Nguyên Tân DungPrime Minister 1 Hoang Hoa Tham StreetHanoiSocialist Republic of Vietnam
Lê Doan HopMinister of Culture and Information1 Hoang Hoa Tham StreetHanoiSocialist Republic of Vietnam
Please note that there are no fax numbers available for the Vietnamese authorities, so you may wish to ask the diplomatic representative for Vietnam in your country to forward your appeals.
His Excellency Tran Quang Hoan Embassy of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam12 - 14 Victoria RoadW8 5RDUnited KingdomFax: 020 7937 6108 or 004420- 7565 3853Email: embassy@vietnamembassy.org.uk
Australian writer sentenced to three years
http://www.englishpen.org/writersinprison/bulletins/thailandaustralianwritersentencedtothreeyears/
Thailand: Australian writer sentenced to three years
Published: January 20, 2009
English PEN is seriously concerned about the three year prison sentence handed down Australian writer Harry Nicolaides on 19 January 2009.
According to our information, Harry Nicolaides was arrested at Bangkok airport when he was about to board his plane to Australia on 31 August 2008 and was charged under Article 112 of the Criminal Code with 'lèse-majesté' (insulting the monarchy). On 19 January 2009, Nicolaides pleaded guilty to the charges against him at his closed trial at Bangkok's Criminal Court, and was sentenced to three years in prison. The judge told him that his confession had spared him a six year prison term.
The charge stemmed from a passage in Nicolaides' self-published 2005 novel Verisimilitude, which is considered to be insulting to the Thai king's eldest son. However, it has been reported that in the 226-page book, there are only three lines which refer to a Thai crown prince, and that he is not mentioned by name. Furthermore, it is said that only fifty copies of the book were ever printed, of which just seven were sold.
Harry Nicolaides, who has been detained since August 2008, has issued a public apology from his prison cell, and stated that he would like to have the chance to apologise to the Royal Family and explain. On 2 September, Nicolaides requested to be released on bail, but his request was denied. A further three requests for conditional release were also rejected.
PEN considers that this sentence is in breach of Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which guarantees the right to freedom of expression and to which Thailand is a state Party. We are therefore calling for his immediate and unconditional release, and for the charges against him to be dropped.
'Lèse-majesté' laws in Thailand provides a prison sentence of three to fifteen years for defaming the king, the queen or the heir to the throne. Nicolaides is among a growing number of people to be prosecuted under this legislation, including Ji Ungpakorn, a political scientist and professor at Bangkok's Chulalongkorn university, who was charged by the police with 'lèse-majesté' on 20 January 2009. The Public Prosecutor will take the final decision as to whether to bring Ji Ungpakorn to trial. The charges are linked to a book Ji Ungpakorn published in 2007 entitled A Coup for the Rich about the military coup of 2006 in Thailand. (To read the book, please click here.) Ji Ungpakorn has called for the abolition of 'lèse-majesté' laws and has launched an online petition. To view the petition, please click here.
To see English PEN's previous alert on this case, please click here.
For more information on this case, please click here.
Please send appeals:
- Expressing serious concern about the three year sentence against writer Harry Nicolaides;- Calling for his immediate and unconditional release in accordance with Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Thailand is a state party;
- Requesting that the Thai government decriminalises 'lèse-majesté legislation, which appears to stifle legitimate discussion of the monarchy and violate the right to freedom of expression.
Appeals to:
Prime MinisterSamak SundaravejThe Secretariat of the Prime Minister, Office of the Prime MinisterGovernment HousePitsanulok RoadDusit, Bangkok 10300ThailandFax: 66 2 280 0858Salutation: Dear Prime Minister
Minister of JusticeSompong AmornwiwatOffice of the MinisterMinistry of JusticeChaeng Wattana RoadPak Kred, Nonthaburi 11120ThailandFax: 66 2 502 6734Salutation: Dear Minister
Minister of InteriorPol. Gen. Kowit WattanaMinister of InteriorOffice of the Secretary to the MinisterMinistry of InteriorAssadang RoadPra Nakorn, Bangkok 10200ThailandFax: 66 2 226 4371Salutation: Dear Minister
If possible please send a copy of your appeal to the diplomatic representative for Thailand in the United Kingdom:
His Excellency Mr Kitti WasinindhRoyal Thai Embassy29 - 30 Queen s GateLondon, SW7 5JBFax: 020 7823 9695
*** Harry's brother, Forde, has been in touch with PEN centres in Australia. He writes: "The family and Harry are now focused on a royal pardon application, and we would like the foreign minister or Prime Minister, now that the legal preocess has finished, to take more active efforts in the ownership of the case and to oversee that the pardon application is expedited as quickly as possilble once it is lodged. The letter writing should continue direct to Mr Smith's office, so it becomes a key priority for him."
We are therefore also urging members to send letters of appeal to the Australian government, asking them to do all they can in hastening a Royal Pardon.
The Hon Stephen Smith
Minister for Foreign Affairs
PO Box 6022
House of Representatives
Parliament House
Canberra ACT 2600
Australia
The Hon Kevin Rudd MP
Prime Minister
Parliament House
Canberra ACT 2600
Australia
Thursday, January 22, 2009
CHINA HAS SEEN GHOST and it is afraid of ' Charter 08'
Source: http://www.nybooks.com/articles/22210
What is 'China's Charter 08' ? Why China is afraid of dissident writers, China has to answer to the International Communities. Time and again, China is a defaulter to abide by the rules on which it has signed. Let see :
WRITERS IN PRISON COMMITTEE HAS ON ITS WEBSITE
http://www.englishpen.org/writersinprison/campaigns/chinacampaign2008-2009/charter8/
Charter 8
The document below, signed by over three hundred prominent Chinese citizens, was conceived and written in conscious admiration of the founding of Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia, where, in January 1977, more than two hundred Czech and Slovak intellectuals formed a loose, informal, and open association of people... united by the will to strive individually and collectively for respect for human and civil rights in our country and throughout the world.
The Chinese document calls not for ameliorative reform of the current political system but for an end to some of its essential features, including one-party rule, and their replacement with a system based on human rights and democracy.
The prominent citizens who have signed the document are from both outside and inside the government, and include not only well-known dissidents and intellectuals, but also middle-level officials and rural leaders. They have chosen December 10, the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as the day on which to express their political ideas and to outline their vision of a constitutional, democratic China. They intend "Charter 08" to serve as a blueprint for fundamental political change in China in the years to come. The signers of the document will form an informal group, open-ended in size but united by a determination to promote democratization and protection of human rights in China and beyond.
On December 8 two prominent signers of the Charter, Zhang Zuhua and Liu Xiaobo, were detained by the police. Zhang Zuhua has since been released; as of December 9, Liu Xiabo remains in custody.
I. Foreword
A hundred years have passed since the writing of China's first constitution. 2008 also marks the sixtieth anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the thirtieth anniversary of the appearance of Democracy Wall in Beijing, and the tenth of China's signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. We are approaching the twentieth anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen massacre of pro-democracy student protesters. The Chinese people, who have endured human rights disasters and uncountable struggles across these same years, now include many who see clearly that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values of humankind and that democracy and constitutional government are the fundamental framework for protecting these values. By departing from these values, the Chinese government's approach to "modernization" has proven disastrous. It has stripped people of their rights, destroyed their dignity, and corrupted normal human intercourse. So we ask: Where is China headed in the twenty-first century? Will it continue with "modernization" under authoritarian rule, or will it embrace universal human values, join the mainstream of civilized nations, and build a democratic system? There can be no avoiding these questions.
The shock of the Western impact upon China in the nineteenth century laid bare a decadent authoritarian system and marked the beginning of what is often called "the greatest changes in thousands of years" for China. A "self-strengthening movement" followed, but this aimed simply at appropriating the technology to build gunboats and other Western material objects. China's humiliating naval defeat at the hands of Japan in 1895 only confirmed the obsolescence of China's system of government. The first attempts at modern political change came with the ill-fated summer of reforms in 1898, but these were cruelly crushed by ultraconservatives at China's imperial court. With the revolution of 1911, which inaugurated Asia's first republic, the authoritarian imperial system that had lasted for centuries was finally supposed to have been laid to rest. But social conflict inside our country and external pressures were to prevent it; China fell into a patchwork of warlord fiefdoms and the new republic became a fleeting dream.
The failure of both "self-strengthening" and political renovation caused many of our forebears to reflect deeply on whether a "cultural illness" was afflicting our country. This mood gave rise, during the May Fourth Movement of the late 1910s, to the championing of "science and democracy." Yet that effort, too, foundered as warlord chaos persisted and the Japanese invasion [beginning in Manchuria in 1931] brought national crisis.
Victory over Japan in 1945 offered one more chance for China to move towardmodern government, but the Communist defeat of the Nationalists in the civil war thrust the nation into the abyss of totalitarianism. The "new China" that emerged in 1949 proclaimed that "the people are sovereign" but in fact set up a system in which "the Party is all-powerful." The Communist Party of China seized control of all organs of the state and all political, economic, and social resources, and, using these, has produced a long trail of human rights disasters, including, among many others, the Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957), the Great Leap Forward (1958-1960), the Cultural Revolution (1966-1969), the June Fourth (Tiananmen Square) Massacre (1989), and the current repression of all unauthorized religions and the suppression of the weiquan rights movement [a movement that aims to defend citizens' rights promulgated in the Chinese Constitution and to fight for human rights recognized by international conventions that the Chinese government has signed]. During all this, the Chinese people have paid a gargantuan price. Tens of millions have lost their lives, and several generations have seen their freedom, their happiness, and their human dignity cruelly trampled. During the last two decades of the twentieth century the government policy of "Reform and Opening" gave the Chinese people relief from the pervasive poverty and totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era and brought substantial increases in the wealth and living standards of many Chinese as well as a partial restoration of economic freedom and economic rights. Civil societybegan to grow, and popular calls for more rights and more political freedom have grown apace. As the ruling elite itself moved toward private ownership and the market economy, it began to shift from an outright rejection of "rights" to a partial acknowledgment of them.
In 1998 the Chinese government signed two important international human rights conventions; in 2004 it amended its constitution to include the phrase "respect and protect human rights"; and this year, 2008, it has promised to promote a "national human rights action plan." Unfortunately most of this political progress has extended no further than the paper on which it is written. The political reality, which is plain for anyone to see, is that China has many laws but no rule of law; it has a constitution but no constitutional government. The ruling elite continues to cling to its authoritarian power and fights off any move toward political change. The stultifying results are endemic official corruption, an undermining of the rule of law, weak human rights, decay in public ethics, crony capitalism, growing inequality between the wealthy and the poor, pillage of the natural environment as well as of the human and historical environments, and the exacerbation of a long list of social conflicts, especially, in recent times, a sharpening animosity between officials and ordinary people.
As these conflicts and crises grow ever more intense, and as the ruling elite continues with impunity to crush and to strip away the rights of citizens to freedom, to property, and to the pursuit of happiness, we see the powerless in our society-the vulnerable groups, the people who have been suppressed and monitored, who have suffered cruelty and even torture, and who have had no adequate avenues for their protests, no courts to hear theirpleas-becoming more militant and raising the possibility of a violent conflict of disastrous proportions. The decline of the current system has reached the point where change is no longer optional.
II. Our Fundamental Principles
This is a historic moment for China, and our future hangs in the balance. In reviewing the political modernization process of the past hundred years or more, we reiterate and endorse basic universal values as follows:
Freedom.
Freedom is at the core of universal human values. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom in where to live, and the freedoms to strike, to demonstrate, and to protest, among others, are the forms that freedom takes. Without freedom, China will always remain far from civilized ideals.
Human rights.
Human rights are not bestowed by a state. Every person is born with inherent rights to dignity and freedom. The government exists for the protection of the human rights of its citizens. The exercise of state power must be authorized by the people. The succession of political disasters in China's recent history is a direct consequence of the ruling regime's disregard for human rights.
Equality.
The integrity, dignity, and freedom of every person-regardless of social station, occupation, sex, economic condition, ethnicity, skin color, religion, or political belief-are the same as those of any other. Principles of equality before the law and equality of social, economic, cultural, civil, and political rights must be upheld.
Republicanism.
Republicanism, which holds that power should be balanced among different branches of government and competing interests should be served, resembles the traditional Chinese political ideal of "fairness in all under heaven." It allows different interest groups and social assemblies, and people with a variety of cultures and beliefs, to exercise democratic self-government and to deliberate in order to reach peacefulresolution of public questions on a basis of equal access to government and free and fair competition.
Democracy.
The most fundamental principles of democracy are that the people are sovereign and the people select their government. Democracy has these characteristics:
(1) Political power begins with the people and thelegitimacy of a regime derives from the people.
(2) Political power is exercised through choices that the people make.
(3) The holders of major official posts in government at all levels are determined through periodic competitive elections.
(4) While honoring the will of the majority, the fundamental dignity, freedom, and human rights of minorities are protected.
In short, democracy is a modern means for achieving government truly "of thepeople, by the people, and for the people."
Constitutional rule.
Constitutional rule is rule through a legal system and legal regulations to implement principles that are spelled out in a constitution. It means protecting the freedom and the rights of citizens, limiting and defining the scope of legitimate government power, and providing the administrative apparatus necessary to serve these ends.
III. What We Advocate
Authoritarianism is in general decline throughout the world; in China, too, the era of emperors and overlords is on the way out. The time is arriving everywhere for citizens to be masters of states. For China the path that leads out of our current predicament is to divest ourselves of the authoritarian notion of reliance on an "enlightened overlord" or an "honest official" and to turn instead toward a system of liberties, democracy, and the rule of law, and toward fostering the consciousness of modern citizens who see rights as fundamental and participation as a duty. Accordingly, and in a spirit of this duty as responsible and constructive citizens, we offer the following recommendations on national governance, citizens' rights, and social development:
1. A New Constitution. We should recast our present constitution, rescinding its provisions that contradict the principle that sovereignty resides with the people and turning it into a document that genuinely guarantees human rights, authorizes the exercise of public power, and serves as the legal underpinning of China's democratization. The constitution must be the highest law in the land, beyond violation by any individual, group, or political party.
2. Separation of powers. We should construct a modern government in which the separation of legislative, judicial, and executive power is guaranteed. We need an Administrative Law that defines the scope of government responsibility and prevents abuse of administrative power. Government should be responsible to taxpayers. Division of power between provincial governments and the central government should adhere to the principle that central powers are only those specifically granted by the constitution and all other powers belong to the local governments.
3. Legislative democracy. Members of legislative bodies at all levels should be chosen by direct election, and legislative democracy should observe just and impartial principles.
4. An Independent Judiciary. The rule of law must be above the interests ofany particular political party and judges must be independent. We need to establish a constitutional supreme court and institute procedures for constitutional review. As soon as possible, we should abolish all of the Committees on Political and Legal Affairs that now allow Communist Party officials at every level to decide politically-sensitive cases in advance and out of court. We should strictly forbid the use of public offices for private purposes.
5. Public Control of Public Servants. The military should be made answerable to the national government, not to a political party, and should be made more professional. Military personnel should swear allegiance to the constitution and remain nonpartisan. Political party organizations shall be prohibited in the military. All public officials including police should serve as nonpartisans, and the current practice of favoring one political party in the hiring of public servants must end.
6. Guarantee of Human Rights. There shall be strict guarantees of human rights and respect for human dignity. There should be a Human Rights Committee, responsible to the highest legislative body, that will preventthe government from abusing public power in violation of human rights. A democratic and constitutional China especially must guarantee the personal freedom of citizens. No one shall suffer illegal arrest, detention, arraignment, interrogation, or punishment. The system of "Reeducation through Labor" must be abolished.
7. Election of Public Officials. There shall be a comprehensive system of democratic elections based on "one person, one vote." The direct election of administrative heads at the levels of county, city, province, and nation should be systematically implemented. The rights to hold periodic free elections and to participate in them as a citizen are inalienable.
8. Rural-Urban Equality. The two-tier household registry system must be abolished. This system favors urban residents and harms rural residents. We should establish instead a system that gives every citizen the same constitutional rights and the same freedom to choose where to live.
9. Freedom to Form Groups. The right of citizens to form groups must be guaranteed. The current system for registering nongovernment groups, which requires a group to be "approved," should be replaced by a system in which a group simply registers itself. The formation of political parties should be governed by the constitution and the laws, which means that we must abolish the special privilege of one party to monopolize power and must guarantee principles of free and fair competition among political parties.
10. Freedom to Assemble. The constitution provides that peaceful assembly,demonstration, protest, and freedom of expression are fundamental rights of a citizen. The ruling party and the government must not be permitted to subject these to illegal interference or unconstitutional obstruction.
11. Freedom of Expression. We should make freedom of speech, freedom of thepress, and academic freedom universal, thereby guaranteeing that citizens can be informed and can exercise their right of political supervision. These freedoms should be upheld by a Press Law that abolishes political restrictions on the press. The provision in the current Criminal Law that refers to "the crime of incitement to subvert state power" must be abolished. We should end the practice of viewing words as crimes.
12. Freedom of Religion. We must guarantee freedom of religion and belief and institute a separation of religion and state. There must be no governmental interference in peaceful religious activities. We should abolish any laws, regulations, or local rules that limit or suppress the religious freedom of citizens. We should abolish the current system that requires religious groups (and their places of worship) to get official approval in advance and substitute for it a system in which registry is optional and, for those who choose to register, automatic.
13. Civic Education. In our schools we should abolish political curriculumsand examinations that are designed to indoctrinate students in state ideology and to instill support for the rule of one party. We should replace them with civic education that advances universal values and citizens'rights, fosters civic consciousness, and promotes civic virtues that serve society.
14. Protection of Private Property. We should establish and protect theright to private property and promote an economic system of free and fair markets. We should do away with government monopolies in commerce andindustry and guarantee the freedom to start new enterprises. We should establish a Committee on State-Owned Property, reporting to the national legislature, that will monitor the transfer of state-owned enterprises to private ownership in a fair, competitive, and orderly manner. We should institute a land reform that promotes private ownership of land, guarantees the right to buy and sell land, and allows the true value of private property to be adequately reflected in the market.
15. Financial and Tax Reform. We should establish a democratically regulated and accountable system of public finance that ensures the protection of taxpayer rights and that operates through legal procedures. We need a system by which public revenues that belong to a certain level of government-central, provincial, county or local-are controlled at that level. We need major tax reform that will abolish any unfair taxes, simplify the tax system, and spread the tax burden fairly. Government officials should not be able to raise taxes, or institute new ones, without public deliberation and the approval of a democratic assembly. We should reform the ownership system in order to encourage competition among a wider variety of market participants.
16. Social Security. We should establish a fair and adequate social security system that covers all citizens and ensures basic access to education, health care, retirement security, and employment.
17. Protection of the Environment. We need to protect the natural environment and to promote development in a way that is sustainable and responsible to our descendents and to the rest of humanity. This means insisting that the state and its officials at all levels not only do what they must do to achieve these goals, but also accept the supervision and participation of non-governmental organizations.
18. A Federated Republic. A democratic China should seek to act as a responsible major power contributing toward peace and development in the Asian Pacific region by approaching others in a spirit of equality and fairness. In Hong Kong and Macao, we should support the freedoms that already exist. With respect to Taiwan, we should declare our commitment to the principles of freedom and democracy and then, negotiating as equals, and ready to compromise, seek a formula for peaceful unification. We should approach disputes in the national-minority areas of China with an open mind, seeking ways to find a workable framework within which all ethnic and religious groups can flourish. We should aim ultimately at a federation of democratic communities of China.
19. Truth in Reconciliation. We should restore the reputations of all people, including their family members, who suffered political stigma in the political campaigns of the past or who have been labeled as criminals because of their thought, speech, or faith. The state should pay reparations to these people. All political prisoners and prisoners of conscience must be released. There should be a Truth Investigation Commission charged with finding the facts about past injustices and atrocities, determining responsibility for them, upholding justice, and, on these bases, seeking social reconciliation.
China, as a major nation of the world, as one of five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, and as a member of the UN Council on Human Rights, should be contributing to peace for humankind and progress toward human rights. Unfortunately, we stand today as the only country among the major nations that remains mired in authoritarian politics. Our political system continues to produce human rights disasters and social crises, thereby not only constricting China's own development but also limiting the progress of all of human civilization. This must change, truly it must. The democratization of Chinese politics can be put off no longer.
Accordingly, we dare to put civic spirit into practice by announcing Charter 08. We hope that our fellow citizens who feel a similar sense of crisis, responsibility, and mission, whether they are inside the government or not, and regardless of their social status, will set aside small differences to embrace the broad goals of this citizens' movement. Together we can work for major changes in Chinese society and for the rapid establishment of a free, democratic, and constitutional country. We can bring to reality the goals and ideals that our people have incessantly been seeking for more than a hundred years, and can bring a brilliant new chapter to Chinesecivilization.
What is 'China's Charter 08' ? Why China is afraid of dissident writers, China has to answer to the International Communities. Time and again, China is a defaulter to abide by the rules on which it has signed. Let see :
WRITERS IN PRISON COMMITTEE HAS ON ITS WEBSITE
http://www.englishpen.org/writersinprison/campaigns/chinacampaign2008-2009/charter8/
Charter 8
The document below, signed by over three hundred prominent Chinese citizens, was conceived and written in conscious admiration of the founding of Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia, where, in January 1977, more than two hundred Czech and Slovak intellectuals formed a loose, informal, and open association of people... united by the will to strive individually and collectively for respect for human and civil rights in our country and throughout the world.
The Chinese document calls not for ameliorative reform of the current political system but for an end to some of its essential features, including one-party rule, and their replacement with a system based on human rights and democracy.
The prominent citizens who have signed the document are from both outside and inside the government, and include not only well-known dissidents and intellectuals, but also middle-level officials and rural leaders. They have chosen December 10, the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as the day on which to express their political ideas and to outline their vision of a constitutional, democratic China. They intend "Charter 08" to serve as a blueprint for fundamental political change in China in the years to come. The signers of the document will form an informal group, open-ended in size but united by a determination to promote democratization and protection of human rights in China and beyond.
On December 8 two prominent signers of the Charter, Zhang Zuhua and Liu Xiaobo, were detained by the police. Zhang Zuhua has since been released; as of December 9, Liu Xiabo remains in custody.
I. Foreword
A hundred years have passed since the writing of China's first constitution. 2008 also marks the sixtieth anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the thirtieth anniversary of the appearance of Democracy Wall in Beijing, and the tenth of China's signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. We are approaching the twentieth anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen massacre of pro-democracy student protesters. The Chinese people, who have endured human rights disasters and uncountable struggles across these same years, now include many who see clearly that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values of humankind and that democracy and constitutional government are the fundamental framework for protecting these values. By departing from these values, the Chinese government's approach to "modernization" has proven disastrous. It has stripped people of their rights, destroyed their dignity, and corrupted normal human intercourse. So we ask: Where is China headed in the twenty-first century? Will it continue with "modernization" under authoritarian rule, or will it embrace universal human values, join the mainstream of civilized nations, and build a democratic system? There can be no avoiding these questions.
The shock of the Western impact upon China in the nineteenth century laid bare a decadent authoritarian system and marked the beginning of what is often called "the greatest changes in thousands of years" for China. A "self-strengthening movement" followed, but this aimed simply at appropriating the technology to build gunboats and other Western material objects. China's humiliating naval defeat at the hands of Japan in 1895 only confirmed the obsolescence of China's system of government. The first attempts at modern political change came with the ill-fated summer of reforms in 1898, but these were cruelly crushed by ultraconservatives at China's imperial court. With the revolution of 1911, which inaugurated Asia's first republic, the authoritarian imperial system that had lasted for centuries was finally supposed to have been laid to rest. But social conflict inside our country and external pressures were to prevent it; China fell into a patchwork of warlord fiefdoms and the new republic became a fleeting dream.
The failure of both "self-strengthening" and political renovation caused many of our forebears to reflect deeply on whether a "cultural illness" was afflicting our country. This mood gave rise, during the May Fourth Movement of the late 1910s, to the championing of "science and democracy." Yet that effort, too, foundered as warlord chaos persisted and the Japanese invasion [beginning in Manchuria in 1931] brought national crisis.
Victory over Japan in 1945 offered one more chance for China to move towardmodern government, but the Communist defeat of the Nationalists in the civil war thrust the nation into the abyss of totalitarianism. The "new China" that emerged in 1949 proclaimed that "the people are sovereign" but in fact set up a system in which "the Party is all-powerful." The Communist Party of China seized control of all organs of the state and all political, economic, and social resources, and, using these, has produced a long trail of human rights disasters, including, among many others, the Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957), the Great Leap Forward (1958-1960), the Cultural Revolution (1966-1969), the June Fourth (Tiananmen Square) Massacre (1989), and the current repression of all unauthorized religions and the suppression of the weiquan rights movement [a movement that aims to defend citizens' rights promulgated in the Chinese Constitution and to fight for human rights recognized by international conventions that the Chinese government has signed]. During all this, the Chinese people have paid a gargantuan price. Tens of millions have lost their lives, and several generations have seen their freedom, their happiness, and their human dignity cruelly trampled. During the last two decades of the twentieth century the government policy of "Reform and Opening" gave the Chinese people relief from the pervasive poverty and totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era and brought substantial increases in the wealth and living standards of many Chinese as well as a partial restoration of economic freedom and economic rights. Civil societybegan to grow, and popular calls for more rights and more political freedom have grown apace. As the ruling elite itself moved toward private ownership and the market economy, it began to shift from an outright rejection of "rights" to a partial acknowledgment of them.
In 1998 the Chinese government signed two important international human rights conventions; in 2004 it amended its constitution to include the phrase "respect and protect human rights"; and this year, 2008, it has promised to promote a "national human rights action plan." Unfortunately most of this political progress has extended no further than the paper on which it is written. The political reality, which is plain for anyone to see, is that China has many laws but no rule of law; it has a constitution but no constitutional government. The ruling elite continues to cling to its authoritarian power and fights off any move toward political change. The stultifying results are endemic official corruption, an undermining of the rule of law, weak human rights, decay in public ethics, crony capitalism, growing inequality between the wealthy and the poor, pillage of the natural environment as well as of the human and historical environments, and the exacerbation of a long list of social conflicts, especially, in recent times, a sharpening animosity between officials and ordinary people.
As these conflicts and crises grow ever more intense, and as the ruling elite continues with impunity to crush and to strip away the rights of citizens to freedom, to property, and to the pursuit of happiness, we see the powerless in our society-the vulnerable groups, the people who have been suppressed and monitored, who have suffered cruelty and even torture, and who have had no adequate avenues for their protests, no courts to hear theirpleas-becoming more militant and raising the possibility of a violent conflict of disastrous proportions. The decline of the current system has reached the point where change is no longer optional.
II. Our Fundamental Principles
This is a historic moment for China, and our future hangs in the balance. In reviewing the political modernization process of the past hundred years or more, we reiterate and endorse basic universal values as follows:
Freedom.
Freedom is at the core of universal human values. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom in where to live, and the freedoms to strike, to demonstrate, and to protest, among others, are the forms that freedom takes. Without freedom, China will always remain far from civilized ideals.
Human rights.
Human rights are not bestowed by a state. Every person is born with inherent rights to dignity and freedom. The government exists for the protection of the human rights of its citizens. The exercise of state power must be authorized by the people. The succession of political disasters in China's recent history is a direct consequence of the ruling regime's disregard for human rights.
Equality.
The integrity, dignity, and freedom of every person-regardless of social station, occupation, sex, economic condition, ethnicity, skin color, religion, or political belief-are the same as those of any other. Principles of equality before the law and equality of social, economic, cultural, civil, and political rights must be upheld.
Republicanism.
Republicanism, which holds that power should be balanced among different branches of government and competing interests should be served, resembles the traditional Chinese political ideal of "fairness in all under heaven." It allows different interest groups and social assemblies, and people with a variety of cultures and beliefs, to exercise democratic self-government and to deliberate in order to reach peacefulresolution of public questions on a basis of equal access to government and free and fair competition.
Democracy.
The most fundamental principles of democracy are that the people are sovereign and the people select their government. Democracy has these characteristics:
(1) Political power begins with the people and thelegitimacy of a regime derives from the people.
(2) Political power is exercised through choices that the people make.
(3) The holders of major official posts in government at all levels are determined through periodic competitive elections.
(4) While honoring the will of the majority, the fundamental dignity, freedom, and human rights of minorities are protected.
In short, democracy is a modern means for achieving government truly "of thepeople, by the people, and for the people."
Constitutional rule.
Constitutional rule is rule through a legal system and legal regulations to implement principles that are spelled out in a constitution. It means protecting the freedom and the rights of citizens, limiting and defining the scope of legitimate government power, and providing the administrative apparatus necessary to serve these ends.
III. What We Advocate
Authoritarianism is in general decline throughout the world; in China, too, the era of emperors and overlords is on the way out. The time is arriving everywhere for citizens to be masters of states. For China the path that leads out of our current predicament is to divest ourselves of the authoritarian notion of reliance on an "enlightened overlord" or an "honest official" and to turn instead toward a system of liberties, democracy, and the rule of law, and toward fostering the consciousness of modern citizens who see rights as fundamental and participation as a duty. Accordingly, and in a spirit of this duty as responsible and constructive citizens, we offer the following recommendations on national governance, citizens' rights, and social development:
1. A New Constitution. We should recast our present constitution, rescinding its provisions that contradict the principle that sovereignty resides with the people and turning it into a document that genuinely guarantees human rights, authorizes the exercise of public power, and serves as the legal underpinning of China's democratization. The constitution must be the highest law in the land, beyond violation by any individual, group, or political party.
2. Separation of powers. We should construct a modern government in which the separation of legislative, judicial, and executive power is guaranteed. We need an Administrative Law that defines the scope of government responsibility and prevents abuse of administrative power. Government should be responsible to taxpayers. Division of power between provincial governments and the central government should adhere to the principle that central powers are only those specifically granted by the constitution and all other powers belong to the local governments.
3. Legislative democracy. Members of legislative bodies at all levels should be chosen by direct election, and legislative democracy should observe just and impartial principles.
4. An Independent Judiciary. The rule of law must be above the interests ofany particular political party and judges must be independent. We need to establish a constitutional supreme court and institute procedures for constitutional review. As soon as possible, we should abolish all of the Committees on Political and Legal Affairs that now allow Communist Party officials at every level to decide politically-sensitive cases in advance and out of court. We should strictly forbid the use of public offices for private purposes.
5. Public Control of Public Servants. The military should be made answerable to the national government, not to a political party, and should be made more professional. Military personnel should swear allegiance to the constitution and remain nonpartisan. Political party organizations shall be prohibited in the military. All public officials including police should serve as nonpartisans, and the current practice of favoring one political party in the hiring of public servants must end.
6. Guarantee of Human Rights. There shall be strict guarantees of human rights and respect for human dignity. There should be a Human Rights Committee, responsible to the highest legislative body, that will preventthe government from abusing public power in violation of human rights. A democratic and constitutional China especially must guarantee the personal freedom of citizens. No one shall suffer illegal arrest, detention, arraignment, interrogation, or punishment. The system of "Reeducation through Labor" must be abolished.
7. Election of Public Officials. There shall be a comprehensive system of democratic elections based on "one person, one vote." The direct election of administrative heads at the levels of county, city, province, and nation should be systematically implemented. The rights to hold periodic free elections and to participate in them as a citizen are inalienable.
8. Rural-Urban Equality. The two-tier household registry system must be abolished. This system favors urban residents and harms rural residents. We should establish instead a system that gives every citizen the same constitutional rights and the same freedom to choose where to live.
9. Freedom to Form Groups. The right of citizens to form groups must be guaranteed. The current system for registering nongovernment groups, which requires a group to be "approved," should be replaced by a system in which a group simply registers itself. The formation of political parties should be governed by the constitution and the laws, which means that we must abolish the special privilege of one party to monopolize power and must guarantee principles of free and fair competition among political parties.
10. Freedom to Assemble. The constitution provides that peaceful assembly,demonstration, protest, and freedom of expression are fundamental rights of a citizen. The ruling party and the government must not be permitted to subject these to illegal interference or unconstitutional obstruction.
11. Freedom of Expression. We should make freedom of speech, freedom of thepress, and academic freedom universal, thereby guaranteeing that citizens can be informed and can exercise their right of political supervision. These freedoms should be upheld by a Press Law that abolishes political restrictions on the press. The provision in the current Criminal Law that refers to "the crime of incitement to subvert state power" must be abolished. We should end the practice of viewing words as crimes.
12. Freedom of Religion. We must guarantee freedom of religion and belief and institute a separation of religion and state. There must be no governmental interference in peaceful religious activities. We should abolish any laws, regulations, or local rules that limit or suppress the religious freedom of citizens. We should abolish the current system that requires religious groups (and their places of worship) to get official approval in advance and substitute for it a system in which registry is optional and, for those who choose to register, automatic.
13. Civic Education. In our schools we should abolish political curriculumsand examinations that are designed to indoctrinate students in state ideology and to instill support for the rule of one party. We should replace them with civic education that advances universal values and citizens'rights, fosters civic consciousness, and promotes civic virtues that serve society.
14. Protection of Private Property. We should establish and protect theright to private property and promote an economic system of free and fair markets. We should do away with government monopolies in commerce andindustry and guarantee the freedom to start new enterprises. We should establish a Committee on State-Owned Property, reporting to the national legislature, that will monitor the transfer of state-owned enterprises to private ownership in a fair, competitive, and orderly manner. We should institute a land reform that promotes private ownership of land, guarantees the right to buy and sell land, and allows the true value of private property to be adequately reflected in the market.
15. Financial and Tax Reform. We should establish a democratically regulated and accountable system of public finance that ensures the protection of taxpayer rights and that operates through legal procedures. We need a system by which public revenues that belong to a certain level of government-central, provincial, county or local-are controlled at that level. We need major tax reform that will abolish any unfair taxes, simplify the tax system, and spread the tax burden fairly. Government officials should not be able to raise taxes, or institute new ones, without public deliberation and the approval of a democratic assembly. We should reform the ownership system in order to encourage competition among a wider variety of market participants.
16. Social Security. We should establish a fair and adequate social security system that covers all citizens and ensures basic access to education, health care, retirement security, and employment.
17. Protection of the Environment. We need to protect the natural environment and to promote development in a way that is sustainable and responsible to our descendents and to the rest of humanity. This means insisting that the state and its officials at all levels not only do what they must do to achieve these goals, but also accept the supervision and participation of non-governmental organizations.
18. A Federated Republic. A democratic China should seek to act as a responsible major power contributing toward peace and development in the Asian Pacific region by approaching others in a spirit of equality and fairness. In Hong Kong and Macao, we should support the freedoms that already exist. With respect to Taiwan, we should declare our commitment to the principles of freedom and democracy and then, negotiating as equals, and ready to compromise, seek a formula for peaceful unification. We should approach disputes in the national-minority areas of China with an open mind, seeking ways to find a workable framework within which all ethnic and religious groups can flourish. We should aim ultimately at a federation of democratic communities of China.
19. Truth in Reconciliation. We should restore the reputations of all people, including their family members, who suffered political stigma in the political campaigns of the past or who have been labeled as criminals because of their thought, speech, or faith. The state should pay reparations to these people. All political prisoners and prisoners of conscience must be released. There should be a Truth Investigation Commission charged with finding the facts about past injustices and atrocities, determining responsibility for them, upholding justice, and, on these bases, seeking social reconciliation.
China, as a major nation of the world, as one of five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, and as a member of the UN Council on Human Rights, should be contributing to peace for humankind and progress toward human rights. Unfortunately, we stand today as the only country among the major nations that remains mired in authoritarian politics. Our political system continues to produce human rights disasters and social crises, thereby not only constricting China's own development but also limiting the progress of all of human civilization. This must change, truly it must. The democratization of Chinese politics can be put off no longer.
Accordingly, we dare to put civic spirit into practice by announcing Charter 08. We hope that our fellow citizens who feel a similar sense of crisis, responsibility, and mission, whether they are inside the government or not, and regardless of their social status, will set aside small differences to embrace the broad goals of this citizens' movement. Together we can work for major changes in Chinese society and for the rapid establishment of a free, democratic, and constitutional country. We can bring to reality the goals and ideals that our people have incessantly been seeking for more than a hundred years, and can bring a brilliant new chapter to Chinesecivilization.
-----------------THE BACKDROP-----------------
The planning and drafting of Charter 08 began in the late spring of 2008, but Chinese authorities were apparently unaware of it or unconcerned by it until several days before it was announced on December 10. On December 6, Wen Kejian, a writer who signed the charter, was detained in the city of Hangzhou in eastern China and questioned for about an hour. Police told Wen that Charter 08 was "different" from earlier dissident statements, and "a fairly grave matter." They said there would be a coordinated investigation in all cities and provinces to "root out the organizers," and they advised Wen to remove his name from the charter. Wen declined, telling the authorities that he saw the charter as a fundamental turning point in history.
Meanwhile, on December 8, in Shenzhen in the far south of China, police called on Zhao Dagong, a writer and signer of the charter, for a "chat." They told Zhao that the central authorities were concerned about the charter and asked if he was the organizer in the Shenzhen area.
Later on December 8, at 11 PM in Beijing, about twenty police entered the home of Zhang Zuhua, one of the charter's main drafters. A few of the police took Zhang with them to the local police station while the rest stayed and, as Zhang's wife watched, searched the home and confiscated books, notebooks, Zhang's passport, all four of the family's computers, and all of their cash and credit cards. (Later Zhang learned that his family's bank accounts, including those of both his and his wife's parents, had been emptied.) Meanwhile, at the police station, Zhang was detained for twelve hours, where he was questioned in detail about Charter 08 and the group Chinese Human Rights Defenders in which he is active.
It was also late on December 8 that another of the charter's signers, the literary critic and prominent dissident Liu Xiaobo, was taken away by police. His telephone in Beijing went unanswered, as did e-mail and Skype messages sent to him. As of the present writing, he's believed to be in police custody, although the details of his detention are not known.
On the morning of December 9, Beijing lawyer Pu Zhiqiang was called in for a police "chat," and in the evening the physicist and philosopher Jiang Qisheng was called in as well. Both had signed the charter and were friends of the drafters. On December 10—the day the charter was formally announced—the Hangzhou police returned to the home of Wen Kejian, the writer they had questioned four days earlier. This time they were more threatening. They told Wen he would face severe punishment if he wrote about the charter or about Liu Xiaobo's detention. "Do you want three years in prison?" they asked. "Or four?"
On December 11 the journalist Gao Yu and the writer Liu Di, both well-known in Beijing, were interrogated about their signing of the Charter. The rights lawyer, Teng Biao, was approached by the police but declined, on principle, to meet with them. On December 12 and 13 there were reports of interrogations in many provinces—Shaanxi, Hunan, Zhejiang, Fujian, Guangdong, and others—of people who had seen the charter on the Internet, found that they agreed with it, and signed. With these people the police focused on two questions: "How did you get involved?" and "What do you know about the drafters and organizers?"
The Chinese authorities seem unaware of the irony of their actions. Their efforts to quash Charter 08 only serve to underscore China's failure to uphold the very principles that the charter advances. The charter calls for "free expression" but the regime says, by its actions, that it has once again denied such expression. The charter calls for freedom to form groups, but the nationwide police actions that have accompanied the charter's release have specifically aimed at blocking the formation of a group. The charter says "we should end the practice of viewing words as crimes," and the regime says (literally, to Wen Kejian) "we can send you to prison for these words." The charter calls for the rule of law and the regime sends police in the middle of the night to act outside the law; the charter says "police should serve as nonpartisans," and here the police are plainly partisan.
Charter 08 is signed only by citizens of the People's Republic of China who are living inside China. But Chinese living outside China are signing a letter of strong support for the charter. The eminent historian Yu Ying-shih, the astrophysicist Fang Lizhi, writers Ha Jin and Zheng Yi, and more than 160 others have so far signed.
On December 12, the Dalai Lama issued his own letter in support of the charter, writing that "a harmonious society can only come into being when there is trust among the people, freedom from fear, freedom of expression, rule of law, justice, and equality." He called on the Chinese government to release prisoners "who have been detained for exercising their freedom of expression."
—Perry Link, December 18, 2008
http://www.nybooks.com/authors/454
Perry Link is Chancellorial Chair in Teaching Across Disciplines at the University of California, Riverside. He is working on a book on rhythm, metaphor, and politics in contemporary Chinese language. (January 2009)
Volume 53, Number 17 · November 2, 2006
Shut Down in China, By Perry Link, Maochun Yu
In response to One Hundred Intellectuals' Letter of Appeal on the Shutdown of Century China (November 2, 2006)
To the Editors:
Readers may be interested to know of a statement signed by more than one hundred leading Chinese intellectuals, and now posted in full on The New York Review Web site, www.nybooks.com, protesting the shutdown of China's most important Internet forum for independent news and opinion. For six years, "Century China" (www.cc. org.cn) was the country's most liberal and influential marketplace of ideas and information otherwise extremely difficult to obtain in China. Charging, without elaboration, that the site "illegally provides Internet news without proper qualifications," the Chinese government shut it down on July 25.
The protest statement cites the ideals of Century China to be "free, independent, democratic, tolerant, and rational." Closing of the Web site, according to the statement, "violates the United Nations' Universal Declaration of Human Rights as well as China's Constitution." The statement calls upon the Chinese authorities to "publicize the evidence they have that warrants the closure," as they are required to do by Chinese law. The petitioners, who include a broad cross-section of China's most courageous rights activists, say that their own stance is one of "unyielding protest against the government's abuse of power."
Maochun YuAssociate Professor of HistoryUS Naval AcademyAnnapolis, Maryland
Perry LinkProfessor of East Asian StudiesPrinceton UniversityPrinceton, New Jersey
One Hundred Intellectuals' Letter of Appeal on the Shutdown of Century China
By Liu Xiaobo and ninety-nine others
To the Editors:
For many days since July 25, 2006, Chinese intellectuals and other netizens have been living in misery because the Web site that had been their spiritual home for six years, Century China (www.cc.org.cn), was shut down by the Chinese authorities.
On July 19, the Communication Administration Bureau of Beijing issued a "Notice to shut down Century China" (No. 2006-242). It stated that the Web site "illegally provides Internet news without proper qualifications" and "has violated the 'Regulations of Internet News Service' and Article 19 of 'Regulations of Internet Information Service.' Accordingly, Century China Web site and its chat forum Century Salon shall be shut down immediately."
Throughout history oppressive governments worldwide have suppressed freedom of speech, but in today's world, this type of suppression is becoming increasingly intolerable. The shutdown of Century China is just another instance of the Chinese government's suppression of the freedom of its people. Therefore we must stage a focused and unyielding protest against the government's abuse of power.
Since its launch on July 20, 2000, Century China became one of the most influential nongovernmental Web sites in Mainland China. Strictly observing its doctrine to be "free, independent, democratic, tolerant, and rational," it attracted many prominent Chinese intellectuals within China and abroad. The Web site made a unique contribution to promoting China's freedom of speech, political and social liberalization, and served as a communication forum for Chinese people worldwide.
Foreseeing the fate of his Web site, the editor in chief of Century China wrote a letter just before it was shut down. "Ever since its establishment," he wrote, "our Web site has aimed to build a cyber world where rationality and freedom of speech reign. For six years, we strove hard to attain this goal because we believe that such a public space is beneficial to developing equality, freedom, rationality, and other crucial ingredients of modern society, and that we could do our part to accelerate China's academic advancement and cultural development."
In building Century China's cyber world, we gradually mastered the tactics of "perseverance in compromise and compromise in perseverance." The more we come to understand the value of freedom of speech and thought, the sooner we realize that in today's political environment we must not only promote freedom of speech, but also explain, research, and fight for the civil and political rights granted by our own Constitution. We must strive to overcome the existing social system while compromising and working within it. Our aim is to expand freedom of speech and to promote social advancement little by little.
This responsibility belongs not only to certain individuals, but to the entire society.
To respect and safeguard freedom of speech, we are looking to reach a mutual understanding with government administrative departments that have the noble responsibility to implement the spirit of the Constitution. Even if this cannot happen right now, we hope to draft some basic rules for consideration by which open and rational dialogue can be held to solve this problem. The result of peaceful dialogue should positively expand the personal freedoms of the people.
The public space that was created by Century China represents the hope of all Chinese, at home and abroad—for freedom, constitutional democracy, and social liberalization. The shutdown of Century China is the destruction of the one spiritual home we had in the cyber world. By destroying this platform that connects the government and the people, and intellectuals at home and abroad, Chinese scholars are further alienated from their homeland.
People cannot live without freedom of speech, and suppressing this freedom violates the United Nations' Universal Declaration of Human Rights as well as China's Constitution.
Today, the international community has agreed that governments must respect and safeguard freedom of speech, which includes the Internet. Consequently, censorship of the Internet breaks international laws and norms.
Although it was able to force the closing of Century China, the government can never eliminate the people's desire for freedom of speech, nor can it censor the Internet outside of China.
The shutdown of Century China has attracted worldwide criticism both inside China and abroad. The government and its administrative departments can no longer turn a deaf ear, because it is their responsibility to uphold the dignity of the Constitution by implementing each and every article.
Hence, for the purpose of promoting the rule of law in China, we state here that the communication administration departments in Beijing have violated Article 35 of the Constitution. On the basis of Article 41, we call upon the administrative departments to publicize the evidence they have that warrants the closure of Century China.
We appeal for the support of all Chinese intellectuals at home and abroad!
Initial signers from the Chinese Mainland:
Liu Xiaobo, Beijing, freelance writer Liu Junning, Beijing, political theorist Zhang Zuhua, Beijing, political theorist Ding Zilin, Beijing, professor Jiang Peikun, Beijing, professor Bao Zunxin, Beijing, historian Wu Si, Beijing, historian He Weifang, Beijing, professor Yu Jie, Beijing, writer Li Datong, Beijing, journalist Liao Yiwu, Chengdu, writer Wang Yi, Chengdu, scholar Sun Wenguang, Ji'nan, professor Wang Zhijing, Beijing, freelance writer Wu Wei, Guangdong, Internet editor Xu Xiao, Beijing, writer Liang Xiaoyan, Beijing, editor Pu Zhiqiang, Beijing, lawyer Hao Jian, Beijing, professor Li Jianqiang, Qingdao, lawyer Zhao Dagong, Shenzhen, freelance writer Yu Shicun, Beijing, writer Liu Di, Beijing, freelance writer Zan Aizong, Zhejiang, journalist Wen Kejian, Zhejiang, freelance writer Lin Hui, Zhejiang, freelance writer Zhu Jianguo, Shenzhen, freelance writer Gao Yu, Beijing, journalist Hu Jia, Beijing, AIDS worker Wan Yanhai, Beijing, AIDS worker Wang Lixiong, Beijing, writer Wei Se, Lhasa, writer Teng Biao, Beijing, lawyer Yu Meisun, Beijing, freelance writer Yu Zhijian, Hunan, freelance writer Chen Xiaoya, Beijing, historian Liu Anping, Guangzhou, physician Yuan Xinting, Guangzhou, editor Qin Geng, Hainan, freelance writer Li Jian, Dalian, human rights defender Deng Huaming, Guangzhou, lawyer Tang Jingling, Guangzhou, lawyer Tang Cong, Guangzhou, journalist Huang Weilong, Guangzhou, freelance writer Zhao Cheng, Shanxi, academic Xie Yong, Shanxi, editor Qi Yanchen, Hebei, freelance writer Yang Hengjun, Guangzhou, businessman Wang Xinli, Nanjing, writer Du Daobin, Hubei, freelance writer Liu Ning, Beijing, freelance writer Guo Xiaolin, Beijing, writer Han Xin, Guizhou, writer Hu Yunfa, Wuhan, writer Zhang Dajun, Beijing, scholar Yang Zaixin, Guangxi, lawyer Li Heping, Beijing, lawyer
Initial signers from Overseas:
Zheng Yi, USA, writer Wang Dan, USA, Ph.D. candidate Wuerkaixi, Taiwan, political commentator Zhang Heci, Australia, freelance writer Wan Zhi, Sweden, writer Zhang Yu, Sweden, researcher Cai Yongmei, Hong Kong, magazine editor Hu Ping, USA, scholar Yi Ping, USA, scholar Kang Zhengguo, USA, teacher Cai Chu, USA, editor Huang Heqing, Spain, freelance writer Jingwa [pen name], USA, poet Wang Yiliang, USA, poet Yang Lian, England, poet You you [pen name], England, novelist Menglang [pen name], USA, writer Cheng Yinghong, USA, historian Guo Luoji, USA, researcher Wu Yimao, USA, writer Liao Tienchi, USA, editor Chen Kuide, USA, scholar Zhang Weiguo, USA, journalist Li Xiaorong, France, scholar Sun Jingwu, Japan, writer Wang Juntao, USA, political scientist Lao Daiwei, Australia, writer Amu [pen name], Australia, writer Asen [pen name], Australia, writer Jian Shaohui, Australia, writer Qi Jiazhen, Australia, writer Qiu Xiaoyu, USA, university staff Huang Xiang, USA, poet Hong Zhesheng, USA, editor Feng Chongyi, Australia, professor Zhang Lun, France, scholar Zhang Guangda, France, scholar He Qinglian, USA, scholar Lin Baohua, Taiwan, commentator Harry Wu, USA, publisher Zhang Langlang, USA, writer Wei Shi, USA, editor Chen Shizhong, Sweden, professor
http://www.nybooks.com/articles/19517
-- Albert Ashok, West Bengal , All India PEN Center.
Our prayer to Government of China : ( click the link below)
http://penreporter.blogspot.com/2009/01/chinese-authorities-to-release.html
Chinese authorities should release dissident writer -- Liu Xiaobo
Charter 08:http://penreporter.blogspot.com/2009/01/china-has-seen-ghost-and-it-is-afraid.html
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Former International Secretary Terry Carlbom
Vice Presidents of International PEN Joanne Leedom-AckermanLucina, Kathmann, Boris A. Novak, Gloria Guardia ,
Adelaide PEN
Catalan PEN
Cuban Writers in Exile PEN
English PEN
Independent Chinese PEN (ICPC)
Liechtenstein PEN
Nepal PEN
Norwegian PEN
Quebec PEN
Swiss German PEN
Swiss Italian PEN
Suisse Romand PEN
Scottish PEN
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19 January 2009
http://www.internationalpen.org.uk/ipfarcry/conjuror/%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20/go/freedom-of-expression/world-authors-call-on-chinese-authorities-to-release-dissident-writer
Liu Xiaobo: World authors call on Chinese authorities to release dissident writer
Over 300 members of International PEN, the world writers' association, have joined together to protest against the ongoing detention of prominent Chinese dissident writer Liu Xiaobo by the Chinese authorities. Wole Soyinka, Salman Rushdie, Margaret Atwood, J.M. Coetzee, Tom Stoppard, Umberto Eco, Jung Chang, Ian McEwan and Azar Nafisi are among the signatories calling for the immediate release of Liu Xiaobo and championing his right to freedom of expression.
Liu Xiaobo, former President and current Board member of the Independent Chinese PEN Centre has been detained since 8 December 2008 for signing Charter 08, a declaration expressing the need for political reform and human rights in China. He is one of many dissidents to be detained or harassed after launching Charter 08 and issuing an open letter to the National People's Congress Standing Committee to ratify the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Since the declaration was launched over 7000 journalists, writers, scholars and activists have become signatories despite the Chinese government shutting down all websites referring to Charter 08.
Members of International PEN are shocked by the apparent crackdown of the Chinese authorities on those who have endorsed the Charter:
"Liu Xiaobo's arrest and continued detention for being one of the original signatories of Charter 08, which calls for greater freedom of expression and democracy, demonstrates the extent of the ongoing restrictions imposed upon the people of China. We call for his immediate release," says Caroline McCormick, Executive Director of International PEN.
International PEN has had significant concerns about freedom of expression in China for many years where the large numbers of writers and journalists harassed, detained and imprisoned for calling for improved civil and political rights have remained largely unchanged. PEN also has serious concerns about prison conditions, ill-health, access to medical care and family visits. The 2008 Olympic Games in Beijing highlighted ongoing human rights and freedom of expression abuses in China despite the Chinese authorities' promise to improve conditions and honour the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to which it is a signatory. Five months after the games ended, and international scrutiny has been focused elsewhere, PEN continues to campaign against the ongoing persecution of writers exercising their right to freedom of expression.
There are over 40 writers and journalists currently detained in the P.R.C., making China the largest jailer of writers worldwide. Sentences range from 3-20 years, with the majority of cases serving sentences of over 8 years. PEN is particularly concerned about the rise of Internet writers being detained - held generally under subversion or state secrets laws - famously Shi Tao, serving a 10-year sentence for ‘revealing state secrets' for emailing his notes of a government briefing meeting. Minority issues are a key concern in the autonomous regions of Tibet and Xinjiang where separatist struggles' place writers at risk of arrest.
Liu Xiaobo first received support from PEN 20 years ago, when, in 1989, he was one of a group of writers and intellectuals given the label the "Black Hands of Beijing" by the government, and arrested for their part in the Tiananmen Square protests. Liu has since spent a total of five years in prison, including a three year sentence passed in 1996, and he has suffered frequent short arrests, harassment and censorship. Liu Xiaobo is currently being held under Residential Surveillance at an undisclosed location in Beijing. No charges have as yet been made known.
For more information contact Emily Bromfield, Communications Director: emily.bromfield@internationalpen.org.uk or 011 44 20 7405 0338
International PEN protests the continued detention of Liu Xiaobo
International PEN protests the continued detention of leading dissident writer and former President of the Independent Chinese PEN Centre, Liu Xiaobo
19 January 2009
We the undersigned, support International PEN, the world association of writers with members in over 100 countries, in its call for the release of Liu Xiaobo, prominent dissident writer, former President and current Board member of the Independent Chinese PEN Centre, who has been detained since 8 December 2008 for signing Charter 08, a declaration calling for political reforms and human rights. Liu Xiaobo is being held under Residential Surveillance, a form of pre-trial detention, at an undisclosed location in Beijing, and no charges against him have been made known.
Liu Xiaobo is among a large number of dissidents to have been detained or harassed after issuing an open letter calling on the National People's Congress Standing Committee to ratify the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and launching Charter 08, a declaration calling for political reforms and human rights. These activities formed part of campaigns across China to commemorate the 60th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (10 December), and the Charter has now been signed by more than 7000 scholars, journalists, freelance writers and activists. International PEN is alarmed about an apparent crackdown on those who have endorsed the Charter, and urges that all signatories of Charter 08 are protected from further harassment.
International PEN considers Liu Xiaobo to be held solely for the peaceful exercise of his right to free expression, and therefore in violation of Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which China is a signatory, as well as Article 35 of the Chinese Constitution. PEN demands the immediate and unconditional release of Liu Xiaobo and all those currently detained in the People's Republic of China for the peaceful expression of their opinions.
Edward Albee, American PEN
http://www.internationalpen.org.uk/ipfarcry/conjuror/%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20/go/freedom-of-expression/world-authors-call-on-chinese-authorities-to-release-dissident-writer
Liu Xiaobo: World authors call on Chinese authorities to release dissident writer
Over 300 members of International PEN, the world writers' association, have joined together to protest against the ongoing detention of prominent Chinese dissident writer Liu Xiaobo by the Chinese authorities. Wole Soyinka, Salman Rushdie, Margaret Atwood, J.M. Coetzee, Tom Stoppard, Umberto Eco, Jung Chang, Ian McEwan and Azar Nafisi are among the signatories calling for the immediate release of Liu Xiaobo and championing his right to freedom of expression.
Liu Xiaobo, former President and current Board member of the Independent Chinese PEN Centre has been detained since 8 December 2008 for signing Charter 08, a declaration expressing the need for political reform and human rights in China. He is one of many dissidents to be detained or harassed after launching Charter 08 and issuing an open letter to the National People's Congress Standing Committee to ratify the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Since the declaration was launched over 7000 journalists, writers, scholars and activists have become signatories despite the Chinese government shutting down all websites referring to Charter 08.
Members of International PEN are shocked by the apparent crackdown of the Chinese authorities on those who have endorsed the Charter:
"Liu Xiaobo's arrest and continued detention for being one of the original signatories of Charter 08, which calls for greater freedom of expression and democracy, demonstrates the extent of the ongoing restrictions imposed upon the people of China. We call for his immediate release," says Caroline McCormick, Executive Director of International PEN.
International PEN has had significant concerns about freedom of expression in China for many years where the large numbers of writers and journalists harassed, detained and imprisoned for calling for improved civil and political rights have remained largely unchanged. PEN also has serious concerns about prison conditions, ill-health, access to medical care and family visits. The 2008 Olympic Games in Beijing highlighted ongoing human rights and freedom of expression abuses in China despite the Chinese authorities' promise to improve conditions and honour the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to which it is a signatory. Five months after the games ended, and international scrutiny has been focused elsewhere, PEN continues to campaign against the ongoing persecution of writers exercising their right to freedom of expression.
There are over 40 writers and journalists currently detained in the P.R.C., making China the largest jailer of writers worldwide. Sentences range from 3-20 years, with the majority of cases serving sentences of over 8 years. PEN is particularly concerned about the rise of Internet writers being detained - held generally under subversion or state secrets laws - famously Shi Tao, serving a 10-year sentence for ‘revealing state secrets' for emailing his notes of a government briefing meeting. Minority issues are a key concern in the autonomous regions of Tibet and Xinjiang where separatist struggles' place writers at risk of arrest.
Liu Xiaobo first received support from PEN 20 years ago, when, in 1989, he was one of a group of writers and intellectuals given the label the "Black Hands of Beijing" by the government, and arrested for their part in the Tiananmen Square protests. Liu has since spent a total of five years in prison, including a three year sentence passed in 1996, and he has suffered frequent short arrests, harassment and censorship. Liu Xiaobo is currently being held under Residential Surveillance at an undisclosed location in Beijing. No charges have as yet been made known.
For more information contact Emily Bromfield, Communications Director: emily.bromfield@internationalpen.org.uk or 011 44 20 7405 0338
International PEN protests the continued detention of Liu Xiaobo
International PEN protests the continued detention of leading dissident writer and former President of the Independent Chinese PEN Centre, Liu Xiaobo
19 January 2009
We the undersigned, support International PEN, the world association of writers with members in over 100 countries, in its call for the release of Liu Xiaobo, prominent dissident writer, former President and current Board member of the Independent Chinese PEN Centre, who has been detained since 8 December 2008 for signing Charter 08, a declaration calling for political reforms and human rights. Liu Xiaobo is being held under Residential Surveillance, a form of pre-trial detention, at an undisclosed location in Beijing, and no charges against him have been made known.
Liu Xiaobo is among a large number of dissidents to have been detained or harassed after issuing an open letter calling on the National People's Congress Standing Committee to ratify the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and launching Charter 08, a declaration calling for political reforms and human rights. These activities formed part of campaigns across China to commemorate the 60th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (10 December), and the Charter has now been signed by more than 7000 scholars, journalists, freelance writers and activists. International PEN is alarmed about an apparent crackdown on those who have endorsed the Charter, and urges that all signatories of Charter 08 are protected from further harassment.
International PEN considers Liu Xiaobo to be held solely for the peaceful exercise of his right to free expression, and therefore in violation of Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which China is a signatory, as well as Article 35 of the Chinese Constitution. PEN demands the immediate and unconditional release of Liu Xiaobo and all those currently detained in the People's Republic of China for the peaceful expression of their opinions.
Edward Albee, American PEN
Homero Aridjis, President Emeritus of International PEN
Margaret Atwood, Vice President of International PEN
Paul Auster, American PEN
Alan Ayckbourn, CBE, International PEN Author Advocate
John le Carré, International PEN Author Advocate
Jung Chang, Independent Chinese PEN
J. M. Coetzee, Vice President of International PEN
Don DeLillo, American PEN
Carol Ann Duffy OBE, CBE, International PEN Author Advocate
Umberto Eco, American PEN
Ian McEwan CBE, International PEN Author Advocate
Moris Farhi MBE, Vice President of International PEN
Michael Frayn, English PEN
Sir David Hare, International PEN Author Advocate
Ronald Harwood CBE, Vice President of International PEN
Ha Jin, Independent Chinese PEN
Ma Jian, Independent Chinese PEN
Azar Nafisi, International PEN Author Advocate
Michael Ondaatje, Canadian PEN
Wole Soyinka, American PEN
Sir Tom Stoppard OM, CBE, International PEN Author Advocate
Salman Rushdie, CBE, American PEN
Per Wästberg, President Emeritus of International PEN
International PEN Board
Ji?í Gruša, International President
Eugene Schoulgin, International Secretary
Eric Lax, International Treasurer
Karin Clark, Writers in Prison Committee Chair
Mike Butscher, Cecilia Balcázar, Yang Lian, Mohamed Magani, Kristin T. Schnider, Haroon Siddiqui, Hori Takeaki
Former International Secretary Terry Carlbom
Vice Presidents of International PEN Joanne Leedom-AckermanLucina, Kathmann, Boris A. Novak, Gloria Guardia ,
Adelaide PEN
Miriel Lenore, Dominique Wilson
American PEN
American PEN
Siri Hustvedt ,Ron Chernow , K. Anthony Appiah, Francine Prose, Rick Moody
Austrian PEN
Austrian PEN
Wolfgang Kubin
Canadian PEN
Canadian PEN
Alison Gordon ,Marian Botsford Fraser , Camilla Gibb , Reza Beraheni ,Charles Foran , Sandra Martin , Martha Butterfield , Susan Coyne, Graeme Gibson ,Louise Dennys ,Katherine Govier ,Brenda Carr Vellino,Kathryn E Langley Hope,Kevin McLoughlin, Pamela Porter ,John Eerkes-Medrano, David Williams, Jack E.G. Dixon, Lola Tostevin, Mark Frutkin, Sheila Whyte, Joseph Simons , Talia Zajac, Ruth Bradley-St-Cyr, Maurice Breslow, Linda Spaulding, Bruce MacDougallDavid Bergen, Hank Bulmash, Phil Jenkins, Michael Helm, Jay Macpherson , Vera Frenkel , Oscar Goodman, Murray Melville, Dahlia Liwsze, Nino Ricci. Ellen Seligman, Ron Graham, John Ralston Saul
Catalan PEN
Carme Arenas , David Figueres Felip, Rosa Fabregat, Daniel Nomen i Recio , Valentí Gómez i Oliver, Carme Ramilo Martínez, Margarita Ballester Figueras, Joan Buades, Helena Porteros Liroz , Guillem-Jordi Graells, Assumpta Cantalozella, Tònia Passola , Gabriel de la S. T. Sampol, August Bover Font, Helena Vidal , Manel Ollé Rodríguez, Miquel Berga, Miquel Cardell Santandeu, Vicent Pitarch i Almela, Raffaella Salierno, Ramon N. Prats, Carme Riera, Jaume Cabré, Adrià Chavarria, Josep Maria Fonalleras, Joan Guasp Vidal, Antònia VicensPep Coll, Helena Pol, Miquel Desclot, Emili Olcina Aya, Carmen Borja, Iolanda Bonet ,Maria Teresa Pous, Josep-Ramon Bach, Ainara Munt Ojanguren, Joan Rendé i Masdéu, Teresa Colom Pich, Jordi Vintró, Assumpció Forcata, Antoni Puigverd, Ramon Pla i Arxé, Alex Broch, Mercè Otero Vidal, Ponç Pons, Josep Lozano, Bartomeu Fiol, Antoni Vidal Ferrando, Pilar Garriga, Patrícia Gabancho, Francesc Parcerisas Vázquez, Miquel M. Gibert, Maria Mercè Roca, Oriol IzquierdoJoaquim Carbó Masllorens, Sebastià Perelló, Quim Monzó ,Maria-Antònia OliverJordi Valls Pozo, Arnau Pons, Núria Cabré Castellví, Lluís Urpinell-i-Jovani, Maria Barbal Farré
Cuban Writers in Exile PEN
Luis Ignacio Larcada
English PEN
Julian Evans, Martin Goodman, Eric Clark, Rosemary Friedman, Christopher, Southgate, Wendy Mulford , Tom Cheesman, Carole Seymour-Jones, Marilyn Malin, Xandra Bingley, Barry Kernon, Paul Levy, Ros Schwartz, Amanda Craig, Liu Hongbin, Frances Spalding , Jonathan Prichard , Elizabeth Maslen , Lynne Reid Banks , Anne Louise Fisher ,Nicholas Murray, Cat Lucas, Ivan Jones, Ruth Fainlight , Miriam Moss, Penelope Bennett, Paul Griffiths, Nouritza Matossian
Independent Chinese PEN (ICPC)
JIANG Qisheng, ZHENG Yi , MENG Lang , JIANG Bo ,CAI Chu , YU Jie, Xiaogang ZHANG , QI Jia Zhen , Yu ZHANG , Emily WU, You You, Tienchi LIAO DING Xu , WANG Jianbo, Patrick POON , WANG Xiaoshan, Jimbut Jun FENG ,WEN Kejian , QI Yanchen , Han Xin, LU Wen, ZHANG Xianyang , Jin Wa, LIU Tao SUN Wenguang , LI Changyu , YEN Minju , CAI Yong Mei , ZHU Xinxin , Ah Zhong , GAO Yu ,Yongyi SONG , SHU Yang, LU Xuesong, LIAO Yiwu , XUAN Gui MA Lan , YU Zhangfa , Kuide CHEN , ZHAO Dagong , ZHANG Langlang, QIU Yueshou , LIU Jianyong , ZAN Aizong , ZOU Hongfu, JIANG Fuzhen, SUN LiyongLIU Jingsheng , TIAN Qizhuang , LIN Maochun, MO Jiangang, SHEN Youlian , Bin Lang , TENG Biao , YANG Guang , WANG Debang, LIU Ning , LIU Yiming , XU Wen-Li ,HE Xingtong , HU Ping, XU Xiang, WANG Ju, Ye Huo, LI Yuanlong, A Shen , HUANG Dachuan , LIU Di , AI Ge , YU Zhijian , GUAN Dangsheng, A Mu Lao David , WANG Yiliang , ZHANG Ci, Ye Du , Yi Ping , HUANG Heqing ,WU Yi Shan , Lisa LEE , Qing ZHOU , Pu ZHANG
Japan PEN
Wakamatsu Jotaro,Shokan Kondo, Tamiko Tanimoto, Hayakawa Kazuo, Kiyoko Iwabuti, Tatsuya Kusaba, Eiko Miyamoto, Hata Kouhei, Hiromi Ikeuchi, Sadanaga Washizuka, Akemi Kamiyama, Yasuhiko Simazaki, Naoe Wakita, Yusuke Hayashi,Randy.Taguchi, Kenichi Kawaguchi, Yukio Nagashima, Yukiko Chino, Fujii ShozoKikuchi-Michito, Bin Konno, Satoko Tamura, Motohiko Fuma, Takashi Yodono, Ayuko Izumi,Tomoko Funaki, Yotaro Konaka, Shinkai Hitoshi, Tendo TaijinMasuo Tasai
Liechtenstein PEN
Mathias Ospelt
Nepal PEN
Greta Rana
Norwegian PEN
Trine Kleven
Quebec PEN
Maya Khankhoje, Émile Martel, Roger Paul Gilbert, Gary Klang
Swiss German PEN
Egidius Aebli, Brigitta Klaas Meilier, Rafaël Newman
Swiss Italian PEN
Chiara Macconi
Suisse Romand PEN
Nguyên Hoàng Bao Viêt, Fawzia Assaad, Zeki Ergas
Scottish PEN
Iseabail Macleod, Zoë Strachan, Robin Lloyd-Jones, Drew Campbell, Bashabi Fraser
Sydney PEN
Sydney PEN
Gaby Naher, Margot Morris, Susan Sheridan, Virginia Lloyd, Carole Cogdon, Gaby Naher, Jane Camens, Sylvia Lawson, Annamaria Weldon, Caroline Lurie, Nicholas Jose , Chip Rolley, Barbara Brooks, Kyra Giorgi, Bridget McKern, Sylvia Petter, Gillian Rubinstein, Lian Hearn , Frank Moorhouse , Carol Dettmann ,Dr Carolyn van Langenberg , Joan Dugdale, Tony Brooks, Ray Tyndale, Julie Marcus
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And All-India PEN Center, ( West Bengal ) The members , everyone expresses their solidarity with Chinese Writers. We pray to Chinese Authority 'A complete and absolute freedom of expression'. We defend 'Charter of International PEN' and 'Article 19 of International Covenant of Human rights'.
---Albert Ashok , on behalf of PEN West Bengal http://penwestbengal.blogspot.com/
culture of impunity and indifference in Sri Lanka
JOINT ACTION: International mission condemns "culture of impunity and indifference"
Sri Lanka Date: 21 January 2009 Source: International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) , International Press Institute (IPI) , Reporters Without Borders (RSF) Person(s): Lasantha Wickrematunga
The following is a joint action by the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), International Press Institute (IPI), Reporters sans frontières (RSF) and two other organisations:
International Press Freedom Mission
Global Media Rights Groups Condemn "Culture of Impunity and Indifference" in Sri Lanka
The International Press Freedom Mission today condemned a "culture of impunity and indifference" over killings and attacks on journalists in Sri Lanka. Since the beginning of the New Year, both the killing of a senior editor and the attack on the facilities of a popular independent TV channel have led to a total paralysis of the media community.
Launching a new report, "Media under Fire: Press Freedom Lockdown in Sri Lanka", the International Mission criticised the government over its inaction and failure to take the attacks, murder and assassination of reporters seriously. This has in turn led to an almost total blackout of independent and objective reporting from the North and East of Sri Lanka, which have seen the worst of the country's long-running civil war.
"In all the cases of attacks against media and assassinations of reporters there are few serious investigations by the authorities and none of the killers are ever brought to trial," said the International Mission. "A hostile environment of intolerance propelled forward by the top political leadership has created a culture of impunity and indifference making every day hunting season for attacks on media staff."
Based on its visit to Sri Lanka in October 2008, the International Mission noted three trends relating to the coverage of the conflict: lack of press access and independent information flow in the conflict zones; a wave of assaults and intimidation of journalists covering the conflict; and self-censorship by the media on the realities of the war.
Since the International Mission took place, the situation for media has continued to deteriorate in Sri Lanka. On 6 January this year the studio of the Maharaja Television/Broadcasting Network (MTV/MBC) was attacked by armed gunmen. On 8 January, Lasantha Wickrematunga, editor of the Sunday Leader, was shot dead by two men on a motorcycle as he drove to work in Colombo.
On 15 January, police began a widespread search for MTV Channel 1 Chief Chevaan Daniel after accusations of him being behind the attack on his station.
According to the findings of the International Mission, reporters and editors conveying messages that are critical of the government's war against the LTTE are labelled as "traitors" and "terrorists" where they work in an increasingly hostile environment of censorship and fear.
The International Mission is shocked at the repeated instances of elected representatives and Government Ministers using violent and inflammatory language against media workers and institutions. Not surprisingly this has led to widespread self-censorship among journalists in order to protect their lives.
"The killing of Lasantha and the deaths of at least 8 other journalists along with 2 disappeared since 2007 illustrates in painful detail just how journalists and media staff continue to suffer for their profession," said the International Mission. "Without a proper investigation into Lasantha's assassination and the attack on MTV, there will be no chance at all for the government to claim that it assumes responsibility to guarantee the basic safety and independence of media," said the International Mission.
We urge the government to accept the creation of an international and independent commission to investigate the two recent attacks in line with requests by Sri Lankan journalists and media institutions. As a group, the International Mission will offer its assistance to form this commission and to participate in the investigation.
For further information on the Wickrematunga case, see: http://www.ifex.org/en/content/view/full/99736
http://www.internationalpen.org.uk/go/news/sri-lanka-writers-called-to-protest-murder-of-editor-lasantha-wickramatunga
SRI LANKA: Writers called to protest murder of editor Lasantha Wickramatunga
International PEN's Writers in Prison Committee is outraged by the murder of editor of the Sunday Leader newspaper Lasantha Wickramatunga, who was shot and killed on 8 January 2009. International PEN calls on the Sri Lankan authorities to do all in its powers to bring those responsible to justice. It also calls on PEN members to write messages of support to the editor of the Sunday Leader, whose journalists continue to be under threat. Send messages to
editor@thesundayleader.lk
According to International PEN's information, Sunday Leader editor Lasantha Wickramatunga, aged 52, was shot dead on the morning of 8 January 2009 as he drove to work. Wickramatunga was critically injured, and after three hours of surgery he died from his wounds. Just days beforehand he wrote an extraordinary article predicting his murder, published posthumously in the Sunday Leader on 11 January 2008.
He writes: I hope my assassination will be seen not as a defeat of freedom but an inspiration for those who survive to step up their efforts... People often ask me why I take such risks and tell me it is a matter of time before I am bumped off. Of course I know that: it is inevitable. But if we do not speak out now, there will be no one left to speak for those who cannot, whether they be ethnic minorities, the disadvantaged or the persecuted.
(for the full article go to http://www.thesundayleader.lk/20090111/editorial-.htm) .
Lasantha Wickramatunga has been known for many years for his writings focusing on corruption, governmental policies and the long standing civil war in the Tamil area of North and East Sri Lanka. He received numerous death threats, was detained on several occasions, and has faced a number of libel cases. In November 2007 the printing press of the Sunday Leader was destroyed after an arson attack. In his last editorial Wickramatunga condemned the Sri Lankan president for failing to seriously investigate these attacks, and accused the government of using the war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE) known as Tamil Tigers, to remain in power. He also criticised opposition leaders for remaining silent on the country's conflict, suggesting that journalists were therefore forced to speak out: "That is why more journalists have been attacked in recent years than have opposition politicians," he wrote.
Journalists and media outlets commonly suffer intimidation and violence in Sri Lanka. Some reports suggest the intimidation has got worse as the war has intensified between the Sri Lankan army and the Tamil Tigers, and the government has been accused of encouraging the violence by accusing critical reporters of being rebel-sympathisers and enemies of the state. One of these cases is that of V. Jasikaran and J. S. Tissainayagam, Tamil journalists arrested in early March 2008, who have not yet been sentenced. It is widely believed that the two men are targeted for their reporting and analysis on the ongoing conflict. There are also allegations that both men have been subjected to torture and ill treatment in detention in the Sri Lankan capital, Colombo. The murder of Lasantha Wickramatunga occurred two days after a private television station was stormed by more that ten heavily armed men who destroyed the station's equipment. It is said that the Government had called this TV station ‘unpatriotic' for its reporting of the civil war.
Read:Lasantha Wickramatunga's last editorial:http://www.thesundayleader.lk/20090111/editorial-.htm
An overview on Lasantha Wickramatunga's career: http://www.thesundayleader.lk/20090111/spotlight-1.htm
Tributes:http://www.thesundayleader.lk/20090111/REVIEW.HTM
Take Action
Please send appeals:
Urging the Sri Lankan authorities to do all its powers to bring the murderers of editor Lasantha Wickramatunga to justice;
Calling on PEN members to write messages of support to the editor of the Sunday Leader whose journalists continue to be under threat; send messages to editor@thesundayleader.lk
Expressing serious concern for the safety of journalists in Sri Lanka, many of whom are attacked and threatened with apparent impunity for their reporting; Urging the government to fulfil its duty to guarantee the right to freedom of expression, in accordance with Article 19 of the United Nations International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to which Sri Lanka is a state party.
Appeals to:
His Excellency the President Mahinda Rajapaksa Presidential Secretariat Colombo 1, Sri Lanka Fax: +94 11 2446657
Salutation: Your Excellency
Hon. Amarasiri Dodangoda
Minister of Justice and Law Reforms Ministry of Justice and Law Reforms Superior Courts Complex, Colombo 12Sri Lanka Fax: +94 11 2445447
Salutation: Dear Minister
H. M. G. S. Palihakkara Ambassador Permanent Mission of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka to the United Nations #630, 3rd Avenue (20th Floor) New York 10017 United States of America http://www.internationalpen.org.uk/ipfarcry/conjuror/mail@slmission.comFax +1 (212) 986-1838
Please copy appeals to the diplomatic representative for Sri Lanka in your country if possible.
***Please contact this office if sending appeals after 12 February 2009***
For further information please contact Cathy McCann at International PEN Writers in Prison Committee, Brownlow House, 50/51 High Holborn, London WC1V 6ER, Tel.+ 44 (0) 20 7405 0338, Fax: +44 (0) 20 7405 0339, email: cathy.mccann@internationalpen.org.uk
The news had been posted earlier
http://penreporter.blogspot.com/2009/01/writers-called-to-protest-murder-of.html
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